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Skriven 2006-06-22 23:34:32 av Whitehouse Press (1:3634/12.0)
Ärende: Press Release (0606229) for Thu, 2006 Jun 22
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Vice President's Remarks to the U.S.-India Business Council's 31st
Anniversary Leadership Summit
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For Immediate Release
Office of the Vice President
June 22, 2006

Vice President's Remarks to the U.S.-India Business Council's 31st
Anniversary Leadership Summit
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce
Washington, D.C.



12:17 P.M. EDT

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, thank you very much, Ambassador Blackwill and --
for the introduction. And I appreciate the warm welcome today, and the
opportunity to be with all of you. It's good to see a strong turnout for
the leadership summit of the USIBC. And I'm also glad that Minister Nath
and Ambassador Sen are here with us today, as well.

I want to welcome all of you to Washington, particularly those who have
made the journey from India and the distinguished Indian-Americans who've
joined us today from all across the country. And I bring good wishes from
the President of the United States, George W. Bush.

The President has covered a lot of miles lately -- Baghdad last week, this
week Vienna and Budapest, back to the White House later tonight. Another
very important journey he made recently, obviously, was his trip to India,
where he received an extremely kind reception from Prime Minister Singh,
from President Kalam, and the Indian people. The President's visit was
immensely productive and historic, and it underscored a basic fact of our
world today: In this new century, America's relationship with India is
better than ever before.

That relationship is vital for reasons of economic progress, national
security, and global stability. And part of the closeness is due to the
work of the U.S.-India Business Council, and to the commitment of many of
you here in the room today. For more than a generation, the USIBC has been
a major link between entrepreneurs who live and work half a world away from
one another, but who have common values and a common outlook. You've
promoted sensible trade practices, spoken out for economic reform and
market-based policies, as you've provided leadership in complex areas, from
telecom to capital investment to issues of intellectual property rights. As
leaders in commerce, finance, and industry, you've helped to generate
trade, jobs, and wealth in the United States and India. You personify the
good will that prevails between our two nations. And I commend you for your
hard work, for your high standards, and your consistent leadership.

The 31-year history of this organization tracks the rise of India as a
world leader. In our time we have witnessed the swift transformation of
India into a healthy, vibrant, growing economic power. Annual growth in
India is now in the neighborhood of 8 percent, and the size of the economy
has more than doubled in the last 15 years. The country is on its way to
becoming the world's most populous nation -- and thanks to the
future-oriented leadership you've had in recent years, the Indian people
can look forward to greater heights of achievement and prosperity.

Indians can also be optimistic because they live in a mature and a stable
democracy. In six decades of independence, the people of India have erased
any doubt that a multiethnic society can thrive under self-rule. If you
consider that the religious majority is Hindu, the largest political party
is led by a Christian, the President is Muslim, and the Prime Minister is
Sikh, it becomes very clear that the decisive factor is not anyone's
heritage, but everyone's devotion to certain ideals. India's political
system ensures the broadest possible participation. And the political
system respects diversity and assures legitimate means of dissent. India
shows the world that the best hope for harmony and success in a pluralistic
country is individual liberty, equality, and democracy.

That fundamental commitment to democracy, central to both our republics,
makes the U.S. and India natural partners in the world. Yet the fact is
that many years passed without much progress, and the dynamics of the Cold
War made that period a time of missed opportunities. These last five years,
however, have seen a completely transformed relationship. Early on,
President Bush made clear that it was time to put relations with India onto
a new footing. Today there is a new strategic partnership between our
countries -- a partnership based on democratic values, common interests,
strong commercial ties and a climate of trust and good faith between our
governments. And we have moved ahead with an agenda that is ambitious and
forward-looking -- to fight terror, advance democracy, expand free and fair
trade, and provide for our common energy needs.

Together, the U.S. and India are determined to confront and defeat the
global terror network, which has harmed people in so many parts of the
world. The United States experienced multiple terrorist attacks during the
'80s and '90s, culminating in 9/11. Similarly, India has suffered through
acts of terror, including the attack on its parliament in 2001, the October
2005 bombing in New Delhi that targeted innocent civilians preparing for
holiday celebrations, and the bombings earlier this year in Varanasi.

As victims of terror, both our countries accept a duty to join in the fight
against these enemies. American and Indian forces have worked closely in
many different ways, including sophisticated joint operations with our
armed forces. These coordinated efforts are useful not just in confronting
danger, but in bringing relief to disaster victims, as we did following the
Asian tsunami. We have also had great cooperation in law enforcement and
intelligence operations. And the United States is proud to stand with such
a strong partner.

I also want to say that we admire the moral clarity of India's leaders,
reflected in the words of Prime Minister Singh in a speech to the United
States Congress. He said, "We must fight terrorism wherever it exists,
because terrorism anywhere threatens democracy everywhere." We are
confident that India will continue to play a leading role in ensuring that
terrorists are not free to operate in South Asia. And we're confident that
India will work closely with its neighbors to resolve long-standing
disputes in order to concentrate on rooting out terror and to maintain
stability in the region.

The U.S. and India also understand our duty to help build a safer world
beyond the war on terror. The adversary in this war is more than a tactic;
it is an expansionist ideology, trying to gain influence by exploiting
resentments and stirring ancient hatreds. And the way to overcome that
ideology in the long run is to offer a better alternative. Our vision
recognizes the right of men and women to govern their own affairs; to live
and work in freedom; to have the protection of laws that uphold equality,
justice, and the dignity of the individual.

The United States and India strongly support the advance of democratic
values as the surest way to long-term security and peace. Through our joint
Global Democracy Initiative, our support for the U.N. Democracy Fund, and
the daily help both of our nations have provided to the peoples of
Afghanistan and Iraq, we are helping to lift the sights of whole nations,
giving them real hope for a better life, and building the long-term peace
that freedom brings. This support is not without cost, and, in particular,
the United States mourns the loss of Indian citizens working in
Afghanistan. But it is imperative, as India's government has made clear,
that we must not and will not bow to the intimidation tactics of the
terrorists.

The most visible element of our strategic partnership is the broad and
expanding bilateral trade relationship. The U.S. is India's largest trade
partner, and we intend to remain so. Many billions of dollars in goods and
services flow between the two countries, and the linkages are multiplying
steadily. Prime Minister Singh has pointed out that a vast majority of
Fortune 500 companies are already operating in India.

The U.S. and India are working to enhance our trade relationship in areas
from agriculture to defense to information technology. And through the
creation of the CEO Forum, we have integrated the private sector's
recommendations on how to expand this relationship. We have signed a
science and technology agreement, to expand relations between our extensive
scientific and technological communities and to promote technological and
scientific cooperation in areas of mutual benefit. In aviation, we
concluded an open skies agreement. Boeing has sold $15 billion worth of
aircraft to India, and four U.S. airlines have opened direct routes to
India.

We have worked successfully to reduce barriers to bilateral trade through a
reinvigorated Economic Dialogue, Trade Policy Forum, and the High
Technology Cooperation Group.

Yet, despite this tremendous success, there is much more that we can do to
expand our trade relationship. The United States welcomes the recent
reforms that India has made to open its markets to trade and to capital
investment; we hope India will also remove its remaining restrictions on
foreign direct investment; will reduce tariffs on agricultural and
industrial products; and will strengthen the protection for intellectual
property rights. India can also show the same reform minded leadership by
pressing for the conclusion of an ambitious agreement this year at the Doha
Round.

It seems clear that there's a consensus building in India toward greater
economic reform. And that is a very encouraging sign. The consequences --
in new opportunities, new markets, and new wealth -- add up to a bright
economic future for India's people and her trading partners.

As our business continues to grow, there is, naturally, some anxiety in the
United States over the outsourcing of jobs to India. When a job is sent
elsewhere, it's a heavy blow to the person who no longer has that paycheck
and now has to look for something else. The real question for policymakers
is how to face that challenge. One option is to attempt to freeze the
status quo, and to close ourselves off from the global economy. The obvious
problem is that protectionism invites more of the same; if we turn our
backs on other countries, we can expect them to respond in kind.
Protectionism would also take away our competitive edge, cost jobs in
exporting industries, harm American consumers, and cause a long-term
decline in our standard of living.

There are far better ways to answer the challenge of outsourcing. We need
to focus on job training and educational excellence, so that we can prepare
our citizens to fill the good, knowledge-based, high-wage jobs of the 21st
century. We need to continue on the economic course we set five years ago,
with a low-tax, pro-growth policy that encourages risk taking and
investment, and rewards entrepreneurship instead of punishing it.

And we need to engage the global marketplace with confidence. President
Bush often reminds Americans that we have about 5 percent of the world's
population -- so 95 percent of our potential customers live outside the
United States. By itself, India has a middle class of 300 million people --
more than the entire population of the United States. India is one of the
fastest-growing markets for American goods and services, and in fact our
exports to India grew by more than 30 percent last year alone. In addition,
American companies that have research centers in India have become more
competitive worldwide. From almost every angle you look at it, our
bilateral trade relationship with India brings tremendous benefits to both
countries. And for the good of the peoples we serve, American and Indian
leaders have a duty to keep that relationship strong.

A strategic partnership in the 21st century also requires a new and
realistic approach to nuclear energy. For decades -- that issue, there was
no cooperation at all between the U.S. and India. India had developed
nuclear power as a non-signatory to the Nonproliferation Treaty, and we
never departed from the basic stance we took during the Cold War. Now we
believe it's time to update our policy and to bring it into line with
modern realities. And that is the primary purpose of the civil nuclear
initiative that President Bush and Prime Minister Singh agreed to several
months ago.

Under the agreement, America will support the development of civil nuclear
power programs inside India. And for its part, India will place its civil
nuclear facilities under International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards.

The logic of the deal is straightforward. First, there is no question that
nuclear power is critical to meeting India's energy needs. Those needs are
already immense, as we see every day in the competition for crude oil in
the world market. Given the forecasts for India's increased energy needs in
the future, diversifying India's sources of energy is important in relation
to the world energy market and to U.S. energy prices. And as the United
States begins a serious effort to reduce our dependency on fossil fuels, it
makes sense to encourage others to do the same -- and to do so without
slowing modernization, sacrificing economic growth, or bringing needless
harm to the environment. Nuclear energy, with production and spent-fuel
disposal under IAEA standards, is safe and clean. India now gets about
three percent of its electricity from nuclear energy, and the government
plans to increase that substantially over the next several decades. The
notion of generating that much power -- without releasing an ounce of
greenhouse gases into the atmosphere -- is an extremely worthwhile
enterprise, and good news for the environment. This initiative will also
create new business opportunities for U.S. firms, which translates into new
jobs for American workers.

The second key factor is that India will enter the international
nonproliferation mainstream by separating its civil and military nuclear
programs, adopting international safeguards, and conforming to
international standards. For more than 30 years, India has remained outside
the international nonproliferation fold. As IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei
recently put it, "India will get safe and modern technology to help lift
more than 500 million people from poverty, and it would be part of the
international effort to combat nuclear terrorism."

Under the deal, India will maintain a moratorium on nuclear testing, and
put in place very strict measures to prevent the diversion of nuclear
materials and technology. By taking these steps, the agreement strengthens
the international nonproliferation regime and plays a vital role in
enhancing international security and stability. In a time when terrorists
are bound and determined to gain access to weapons of mass destruction,
nothing is more important than keeping weapons of mass destruction, in
particular nuclear technology, out of the wrong hands. So India's
commitment to nonproliferation clearly serves the interest of us all.

Third, India has a very good nonproliferation track record. India has no
interest in the spread of this deadly technology. By taking additional
steps to secure its nuclear materials and technology, India continues to
build upon this track record.

Fourth, like the United States, India is an open, transparent society with
a vigorous political process, an energetic free press, oversight, and
accountability. The Indian people and their leaders understand the
responsibilities of a nuclear nation -- indeed they have acted more
responsibly than some countries that actually signed the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty.

It is only right and sensible that we begin cooperating with India on civil
nuclear programs. The civil nuclear deal is plainly in the interest of both
countries -- economically, environmentally, and from the standpoint of
national security. The U.S.-India civil nuclear initiative also symbolizes
the great potential of the U.S.-India relationship. It is one of the most
important strategic foreign policy initiatives of our government. There is
a great deal of discussion in India's Parliament and the U.S. Congress
about what this deal means for our countries. And that's how democracies do
business.

At the same time, given this agreement's strategic importance, we must be
sure that amendments or delays on the U.S. side do not risk wasting this
critical opportunity. And as the discussion proceeds, President Bush and I
are confident that this agreement will receive the strong bipartisan
support it deserves.

The Indian-American Caucus in the United States Senate is led by Republican
Senator John Cornyn and Democratic Senator Hillary Clinton. In the House,
Republican Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Democratic Representative
Gary Ackerman lead the caucus. We encourage these members to use their
leadership role to help usher through a critical agreement that benefits
both the United States and our friends in India. We hope Congress will move
quickly to enact legislation that enables our two nations to move forward
on this important agreement without delay.

As I said a few moments ago, our strategic partnership with India gives
rise to a broad and ambitious agenda. And that's the way it should be for
the two great nations at a time of challenge. President Bush has described
our relationship as warm and results-oriented. It is strengthened every day
by a kinship of high ideals -- and by deep, personal connections. Some
80,000 students from India go to school here. America is home to more than
2 million people of Indian origin. The contribution of the Indian-American
community to the U.S. economy is tremendous. Indian Americans are leaders
in business, science, medicine, technology and many other fields, and we
must work to continue to implement an immigration policy that encourages
highly-skilled and talented immigrants, including many Indians, to come to
America.

Our peoples know each other, we like each other, and we see greatness in
our shared, common future. It is now up to us to build upon the new
relationship -- with a forward-looking agenda that promotes free
institutions, open trade, and a future of prosperity and peace.

It is my privilege to serve with a President who has done so much to
strengthen the bond between our two great democracies. And I am honored to
stand with all of you, and to thank you for being part of this fine
organization. I accept your award with confidence that close ties of
commerce, and security, and above all friendship, will always define India
and the United States of America.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

END 12:37 P.M. EDT
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