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Ärende: Press Release (061128d) for Tue, 2006 Nov 28
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President Bush Discusses NATO Alliance During Visit to Latvia
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For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
November 28, 2006
President Bush Discusses NATO Alliance During Visit to Latvia
Grand Hall
Latvia University
Riga, Latvia
˙˙˙˙˙ Fact Sheet: NATO Summit 2006 ˙˙˙˙˙ In Focus: Global Diplomacy
4:30 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you all. Labdien! (Applause.) Madam President, thank
you for your kind words. Thank you for your leadership, and thank you for
your friendship. Mr. Speaker; Mr. Prime Minister; Senator Sessions from the
great state of Alabama, who is with us; Mark Leland, my friend from a long
period of time. I want to thank the Rector of this important university.
Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, thank you for your warm
welcome. I'm delighted to be back in Riga.
I appreciate the Latvian Transatlantic Organization, the Commission of
Strategic Analysis, and the German Marshall Fund of the United States for
organizing this important conference. This is my third visit to the Baltics
as the President of the United States, and it's my second visit to this
beautiful city. I just can't stay away. I'm thrilled and honored to be back
here, and I bring the greetings and good wishes of the American people.
Not far from where we meet today stands Riga's Freedom Monument. It was
erected in 1935, during this country's brief period of independence between
the two world wars. During the dark years of Soviet occupation, the simple
act of laying flowers at the foot of this monument was considered a crime
by Communist authorities. In 1989, the monument was the scene of one of the
most remarkable protests in the history of freedom. Hundreds of thousands
of people stood together and formed a human chain that stretched nearly 400
miles across the Baltics -- from Tallinn in the north, through downtown
Riga, and into the heart of Vilnius. By joining hands, the people of this
region showed their unity and their determination to live in freedom -- and
it made clear to the Soviet authorities that the Baltic peoples would
accept nothing less than complete independence.
It took more years of struggle, but today the Baltic nations have taken
their rightful place in the community of free nations, and Latvia is a host
for an important NATO Summit -- the first time our Alliance has met in one
of the "captive nations" annexed by the Soviet Union. This is a proud day
for the people of Latvia, and all the Baltic states -- and on behalf of the
American people, I thank you for your hospitality, your friendship, and the
courage you are showing in the NATO Alliance.
As members of NATO, you are a vital part of the most effective multilateral
organization in the world, and the most important military alliance in
history. As NATO allies, you will never again stand alone in defense of
your freedom and you'll never be occupied by a foreign power.
Each of the Baltic countries is meeting its obligations to strengthen NATO
by bringing new energy and vitality and clarity of purpose to the Alliance.
Your love of liberty has made NATO stronger -- and with your help, our
Alliance is rising to meet the great challenges and responsibilities of
this young century, by making NATO the world's most effective united force
for freedom.
One of the great responsibilities of this Alliance is to strengthen and
expand the circle of freedom here in Europe. In the nearly six decades
since NATO's founding, Europe has experienced an unprecedented expansion of
liberty. A continent that was once divided by an ugly wall is now united in
freedom. Yet the work of uniting Europe is not fully complete. Many nations
that threw off the shackles of tyranny are still working to build the free
institutions that are the foundation of successful democracies. NATO is
encouraging these nations on the path to reform -- and as governments make
hard decisions for their people, they will be welcomed into the
institutions of the Euro-Atlantic community.
After I took office in 2001, I declared that the United States believes in
NATO membership for all of Europe's democracies that seek it -- and are
ready to share the responsibilities that NATO brings. The following year in
Prague, we invited seven nations to join our Alliance -- Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Here in Riga, allies
will make clear that the door to NATO membership remains open, and at our
next summit in 2008, we hope to issue additional invitations to nations
that are ready for membership.
Today, Croatia, Macedonia, and Albania are all participating in NATO's
Membership Action Plan, and the United States supports their aspirations to
join the Atlantic Alliance. Georgia is seeking NATO membership, as well,
and as it continues on the path of reform, we will continue to support
Georgia's desire to become a NATO ally. We are also supporting the leaders
of Ukraine, as they work to curb corruption, promote the rule of law, and
serve the cause of peace. Our position is clear: As democracy takes hold in
Ukraine and its leaders pursue vital reforms, NATO membership will be open
to the Ukrainian people if they choose it.
We're also working with Russia through the NATO-Russia Council. We
recognize that Russia is a vital and important country, and that it's in
our interests to increase our cooperation with Russia in areas such as
countering terrorism, and preventing the spread of weapons of mass
destruction. By building ties between Russia and this Alliance, we will
strengthen our common security and we will advance the cause of peace.
As we help the new democracies of Europe join the institutions of Europe,
we must not forget those who still languish in tyranny. Just across the
border from here lies the nation of Belarus -- a place where peaceful
protesters are beaten and opposition leaders are "disappeared" by the
agents of a cruel regime. The existence of such oppression in our midst
offends the conscience of Europe, and it offends the conscience of America.
We have a message for the people of Belarus: The vision of a Europe whole,
free, and at peace includes you -- and we stand with you in your struggle
for freedom.
Another great responsibility of this Alliance is to transform for new
challenges. When NATO was formed in 1949, its principal mission was to
protect Europe from a Soviet tank invasion. Today, the Soviet threat is
gone. And under the able leadership of the Secretary General, NATO is
transforming from a static alliance focused on the defense of Europe, into
an expedentiary* [sic] alliance ready to deploy outside of Europe in the
defense of freedom. This is a vital mission.
Over the past six years, we've taken decisive action to transform our
capabilities in the Alliance. We created a new NATO transformation command,
to ensure that our Alliance is always preparing for the threats of the
future. We created a new NATO battalion to counter the threats of enemies
armed with weapons of mass destruction. We created a new NATO Response
Force, to ensure that our Alliance can deploy rapidly and effectively.
Here in Riga, we're taking new steps to build on this progress. At this
summit, we will launch a NATO Special Operations Forces Initiative that
will strengthen the ability of special operations personnel from NATO
nations to work together on the battlefield. We will announce a new
Strategic Airlift Initiative that will ensure that participating NATO
members have a dedicated fleet of C-17 aircraft at their disposal. We will
launch the Riga Global Partnership Initiative that will allow NATO to
conduct joint training and joint exercises and common defense planning with
nations like Japan and Australia -- countries that share NATO's values and
want to work with our Alliance in the cause of peace. We will launch a new
NATO Training Cooperation Initiative that will allow military forces in the
Middle East to receive NATO training in counter-terrorism and
counter-proliferation and peace support operations. And as we take these
steps, every NATO nation must take the defensive -- must make the defensive
investments necessary to give NATO the capabilities it needs, so that our
Alliance is ready for any challenge that may emerge in the decades to come.
The most basic responsibility of this Alliance is to defend our people
against the threats of a new century. We're in a long struggle against
terrorists and extremists who follow a hateful ideology and seek to
establish a totalitarian empire from Spain to Indonesia. We fight against
the extremists who desire safe havens and are willing to kill innocents
anywhere to achieve their objectives.
NATO has recognized this threat. And three years ago, NATO took an
unprecedented step when it sent allied forces to defend a young democracy
more than 3,000 miles from Europe. Since taking command of the
International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, NATO has expanded
it from a small force that was operating only in Kabul into a robust force
that conducts security operations in all of Afghanistan. NATO is helping to
train the Afghan National Army. The Alliance is operating 25 Provincial
Reconstruction Teams that are helping the central government extend its
reach into distant regions of that country. At this moment, all 26 NATO
allies, and 11 partner nations are contributing forces to NATO's mission in
Afghanistan. They're serving with courage and they are doing the vital work
necessary to help this young democracy secure the peace.
We saw the effectiveness of NATO forces this summer, when NATO took charge
of security operations in Southern Afghanistan from the United States. The
Taliban radicals who are trying to pull down Afghanistan's democracy and
regain power saw the transfer from American to NATO control as a window of
opportunity to test the will of the Alliance. So the Taliban massed a large
fighting force near Kandahar to face the NATO troops head on. It was a
mistake. Together with the Afghan National Army, NATO forces from Canada
and Denmark and the Netherlands and Britain and Australia and the United
States engaged the enemy -- with operational support from Romanian,
Portuguese, and Estonian forces. According to NATO commanders, allied
forces fought bravely and inflicted great damage on the Taliban.
General David Richards, the British commander of NATO troops in
Afghanistan, puts it this way: "There were doubts about NATO and our
ability to conduct demanding security operations. There are no questions
about our ability now. We've killed many hundreds of Taliban, and it has
removed any doubt in anybody's mind that NATO can do what we were sent here
to do."
Taliban and al Qaeda fighters, and drug traffickers and criminal elements
and local warlords remain active and committed to destroying democracy in
Afghanistan. Defeating them will require the full commitment of our
Alliance. For NATO to succeed, its commanders on the ground must have the
resources and flexibility they need to do their jobs. The Alliance was
founded on a clear principle: an attack on one is an attack on all. That
principle holds true whether the attack is on our home soil, or on our
forces deployed on a NATO mission abroad. Today Afghanistan is NATO's most
important military operation, and by standing together in Afghanistan,
we'll protect our people, defend our freedom, and send a clear message to
the extremists the forces of freedom and decency will prevail.
Every ally can take pride in the transformation that NATO is making
possible for the people of Afghanistan. Because of our efforts, Afghanistan
has gone from a totalitarian nightmare to a free nation, with an elected
president, a democratic constitution, and brave soldiers and police
fighting for their country.
Over 4.6 million Afghan refugees have come home. It's one of the largest
return movements in history. The Afghan economy has tripled in size over
the past five years. About two million girls are now in school, compared to
zero under the Taliban -- and 85 women were elected or appointed to the
Afghan National Assembly. A nation that was once a terrorist sanctuary has
been transformed into an ally in the war on terror, led by a brave
President, Hamid Karzai. Our work in Afghanistan is bringing freedom to the
Afghan people, it is bringing security to the Euro-Atlantic community, and
it's bringing pride to the NATO Alliance.
NATO allies are also making vital contributions to the struggle for freedom
in Iraq. At this moment, a dozen NATO allies, including every one of the
Baltic nations, are contributing forces to the coalition in Iraq. And 18
NATO countries plus Ukraine are contributing forces to the NATO Training
Mission that is helping develop the next generation of leaders for the
Iraqi Security Forces. To date, NATO has trained nearly 3,000 Iraqi
personnel, including nearly 2,000 officers and civilian defense officials
trained inside Iraq, plus an additional 800 Iraqis trained outside the
country. NATO has also helped Iraqis stand up a new military academy near
Baghdad, so Iraqis can develop their own military leaders in the years to
come. And NATO has contributed $128 million in military equipment to the
Iraqi military, including 77 Hungarian T-72 battle tanks. By helping to
equip the Iraqi Security Forces and train the next group of Iraqi military
leaders, NATO is helping the Iraqi people in the difficult work of securing
their country and their freedom.
Tomorrow, I'm going to travel to Jordan where I will meet with the Prime
Minister of Iraq. We will discuss the situation on the ground in his
country, our ongoing efforts to transfer more responsibility to the Iraqi
Security Forces, and the responsibility of other nations in the region to
support the security and stability of Iraq. We'll continue to be flexible,
and we'll make the changes necessary to succeed. But there's one thing I'm
not going to do: I'm not going to pull our troops off the battlefield
before the mission is complete.
The battles in Iraq and Afghanistan are part of a struggle between
moderation and extremism that is unfolding across the broader Middle East.
Our enemy follows a hateful ideology that rejects fundamental freedoms like
the freedom to speak, to assemble, or to worship God in the way you see
fit. It opposes the rights for women. Their goal is to overthrow
governments and to impose their totalitarian rule on millions. They have a
strategy to achieve these aims. They seek to convince America and our
allies that we cannot defeat them, and that our only hope is to withdraw
and abandon an entire region to their domination. The war on terror we
fight today is more than a military conflict; it is the decisive
ideological struggle of the 21st century. And in this struggle, we can
accept nothing less than victory for our children and our grandchildren.
We see this struggle in Lebanon, where last week gunmen assassinated that
country's Industry Minister, Pierre Gemayel, a prominent leader of the
movement that secured Lebanon's independence last year. His murder showed
once again the viciousness of those who are trying to destabilize Lebanon's
young democracy. We see this struggle in Syria, where the regime allows
Iranian weapons to pass through its territory into Lebanon, and provides
weapons and political support to Hezbollah. We see this struggle in Iran,
where a reactionary regime subjugates its proud people, arrests free trade
union leaders, and uses Iran's resources to fund the spread of terror and
pursue nuclear weapons. We see this struggle in the Palestinian
Territories, where extremists are working to stop moderate leaders from
making progress toward the vision of two democratic states, Israel and
Palestine, living side by side in peace and security.
In each of these places, extremists are using terror to stop the spread of
freedom. Some are Shia extremists, others are Sunni extremists -- but they
represent different faces of the same threat. And if they succeed in
undermining fragile democracies, and drive the forces of freedom out of the
region, they will have an open field to pursue their goals. Each strain of
violent Islamic radicalism would be emboldened in its efforts to gain
control of states and establish new safe havens. The extremists would use
oil resources to fuel their radical agenda, and to punish industrialized
nations, and pursue weapons of mass destruction. Armed with nuclear
weapons, they could blackmail the free world, spread their ideologies of
hate, and raise a mortal threat to Europe, America, and the entire
civilized world.
If we allow the extremists to do this, then 50 years from now history will
look back on our time with unforgiving clarity, and demand to know why we
did not act. Our Alliance has a responsibility to act. We must lift up and
support the moderates and reformers who are working for change across the
broader Middle East. We must bring hope to millions by strengthening young
democracies from Kabul to Baghdad, to Beirut. And we must advance freedom
as the great alternative to tyranny and terror.
I know some in my country, and some here in Europe, are pessimistic about
the prospects of democracy and peace in the Middle East. Some doubt whether
the people of that region are ready for freedom, or want it badly enough,
or have the courage to overcome the forces of totalitarian extremism. I
understand these doubts, but I do not share them. I believe in the
universality of freedom. I believe that the people of the Middle East want
their liberty. I'm impressed by the courage I see in the people across the
region who are fighting for their liberty.
We see this courage in the eight million Afghans who defied terrorist
threats and went to the polls to choose their leaders. We see this courage
in the nearly 12 million Iraqis who refused to let the car bombers and
assassins stop them from voting for the free future of their country. We
see this courage in the more than one million Lebanese who voted for a free
and sovereign government to rule their land. And we see this courage in
citizens from Damascus to Tehran, who, like the citizens of Riga before
them, keep the flame of liberty burning deep within their hearts, knowing
that one day its light will shine throughout their nations.
There was a time, not so long ago, when many doubted that liberty could
succeed in Europe. Here in the Baltics, many can still recall the early
years of the Cold War, when freedom's victory was not so obvious or
assured. In 1944, the Soviet Red Army reoccupied Latvia, Lithuania, and
Estonia, plunging this region into nearly five decades of communist rule.
In 1947, communist forces were threatening Greece and Turkey, the
reconstruction of Germany was faltering, and mass starvation was setting in
across Europe. In 1948, Czechoslovakia fell to communism, France and Italy
were threatened by the same fate, and Berlin was blockaded on the orders of
Josef Stalin. In 1949, the Soviet Union exploded a nuclear weapon -- and
weeks later, communist forces took control in China. And in the summer of
1950, seven North Korean divisions poured across the border into South
Korea, marking the start of the first direct military clash of the Cold
War. All of this took place in the six years following World War II.
Yet today, six decades later, the Cold War is over, the Soviet Union is no
more, and the NATO Alliance is meeting in the capital of a free Latvia.
Europe no longer produces armed ideologies that threaten other nations with
aggression and conquest and occupation. And a continent that was for
generations a source of instability and global war has become a source of
stability and peace. Freedom in Europe has brought peace to Europe, and
freedom has brought the power to bring peace to the broader Middle East.
Soon after I took office, I spoke to students at Warsaw University. I told
them America had learned the lessons of history. I said, "No more Munichs,
and no more Yaltas." I was speaking at the time about Europe, but the
lessons of Yalta apply equally across the world. The question facing our
nations today is this: Will we turn the fate of millions over to
totalitarian extremists, and allow the enemy to impose their hateful
ideology across the Middle East? Or will we stand with the forces of
freedom in that part of the world, and defend the moderate majority who
want a future of peace?
My country has made its choice, and so has the NATO Alliance. We refuse to
give in to a pessimism that consigns millions across the Middle East to
endless oppression. We understand that, ultimately, the only path to
lasting peace is through the rise of lasting free societies.
Here in the Baltic region, many understand that freedom is universal and
worth the struggle. During the second world war, a young girl here in Riga
escaped with her family from the advancing Red Army. She fled westward,
moving first to a refugee camp in Germany, and then later to Morocco, where
she and her family settled for five-and-a-half years. Spending her teenage
years in a Muslim nation, this Latvian girl came to understand a
fundamental truth about humanity: Moms and dads in the Muslim world want
the same things for their children as moms and dads here in Riga -- a
future of peace, a chance to live in freedom, and the opportunity to build
a better life.
Today, that Latvian girl is the leader of a free country -- the Iron Lady
of the Baltics, the President of Latvia. (Applause.) And the lessons she
learned growing up in Casablanca guide her as she leads her nation in this
world. Here is how she put it earlier this year, in an address to a joint
meeting of the United States Congress: "We know the value of freedom and
feel compassion for those who are still deprived of it. Every nation on
Earth is entitled to freedom," your President said. She said, "We must
share the dream that some day there won't be a tyranny left anywhere in the
world. We must work for this future, all of us, large and small, together."
Like your President, I believe this dream is within reach, and through the
NATO Alliance, nations large and small are working together to achieve it.
We thank the people of Latvia for your contributions to NATO, and for the
powerful example you set for liberty. I appreciate your hospitality at this
summit. America is proud to call you friends and allies in the cause of
peace and freedom. May God bless you, and may God continue to bless
America. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END 4:57 P.M. (Local)
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