Text 4649, 807 rader
Skriven 2007-05-24 23:30:54 av Whitehouse Press (1:3634/12.0)
Ärende: Press Release (070524) for Thu, 2007 May 24
===================================================

===========================================================================
Press Conference by the President
===========================================================================

For Immediate Release Office of the Press Secretary May 24, 2007

Press Conference by the President Rose Garden

˙ /news/releases/2007/05/20070524.wm.v.html ˙˙Presidential Remarks
˙˙Audio


11:01 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Please be seated. Thank you, all. Good morning.

Today, Congress will vote on legislation that provides our troops with the
funds they need. It makes clear that our Iraqi partners must demonstrate
progress on security and reconciliation. My administration and members of
Congress from both parties have had many meetings to work out our
differences on this legislation. As a result, we removed the arbitrary
timetables for withdrawal and the restrictions on our military commanders
that some in Congress have supported.

We were also successful in removing billions in unrelated domestic spending
that many of the Democrats were insisting on. I wanted to remove even more;
but, still, by voting for this bill members of both parties can show our
troops and the Iraqis and the enemy that our country will support our
servicemen and women in harm's way.

As it provides vital funds for our troops, this bill also reflects a
consensus that the Iraqi government needs to show real progress in return
for America's continued support and sacrifice. The Iraqi Study Group -- the
Iraq Study Group recommended that we hold the Iraqi government to the
series of benchmarks for improved security, political reconciliation and
governance that the Iraqis have set for themselves. I agree, so does the
Congress, and the bill reflects that recommendation.

These benchmarks provide both the Iraqi government and the American people
with a clear road map on the way forward. Meeting these benchmarks will be
difficult; it's going to be hard work for this young government. After all,
the Iraqis are recovering from decades of brutal dictatorship. Their
democratic government is just over a year old. And as they're making tough
decisions about their future, they're under relentless attack from
extremists and radicals who are trying to bring down the young democracy.

Our new strategy is designed to help Iraq's leaders provide security for
their people and get control of their capital, so they can move forward
with reconciliation and reconstruction. Our new strategy is designed to
take advantage of new opportunities to partner with local tribes, to go
after al Qaeda in places like Anbar, which has been the home base of al
Qaeda in Iraq.

This summer is going to be a critical time for the new strategy. The last
of five reinforcement brigades we are sending to Iraq is scheduled to
arrive in Baghdad by mid-June. As these reinforcements carry out their
missions the enemies of a free Iraq, including al Qaeda and illegal
militias, will continue to bomb and murder in an attempt to stop us. We're
going to expect heavy fighting in the weeks and months. We can expect more
American and Iraqi casualties. We must provide our troops with the funds
and resources they need to prevail.

Another important issue before Congress is immigration reform. I want to
thank the bipartisan group of senators who produced a bill that will help
us secure our borders and reform our immigration system. For decades, the
government failed to stop illegal immigration. My administration has
stepped up efforts to improve border security, doubling the number of
Border Patrol agents. We've effectively ended the policy of catch and
release, which allowed some illegal immigrants to be released back into
society after they were captured.

Last year alone, we apprehended more than a million people trying to enter
this country illegally. This is progress, but it's not enough. Many
Americans are rightly skeptical about immigration reform. I strongly
believe the bipartisan Senate bill addresses the reasons for past failures,
while recognizing the legitimate needs of our economy, and upholding the
ideals of our immigrant tradition.

This bill does not grant amnesty. Amnesty is forgiveness without a penalty.
Instead, this bill requires workers here illegally to acknowledge that they
broke the law, pay a fine, pass background checks, remain employed, and
maintain a clean record. This bill provides the best chance to reform our
immigration system and help us make certain we know who's in our country
and where they are. Our immigration problems cannot be solved piecemeal.
They must be all addressed together, and they must be addressed in logical
order.

So this legislation requires that border security and worker verification
targets are met before other provisions of the bill are triggered. For
example, the temporary worker program can begin only after these security
measures are fully implemented. Immigration reform is a complex issue; it's
a difficult piece of legislation. And those who are looking to find fault
with this bill will always be able to find something. If you're serious
about securing our borders and bringing millions of illegal immigrants in
our country out of the shadows, this bipartisan bill is the best
opportunity to move forward. I'm confident with hard work and goodwill,
Congress can pass and I can sign a bill that fixes an immigration system we
all agree is broken.

The issues of war and immigration are difficult, but that's no excuse in
avoiding our responsibility to act. The American people sent us to
Washington to take on tough problems, and they expect us to deliver
results.

And now I'll be glad to answer some of your questions. Hunt.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. The IAEA says that Iran has significantly
accelerated its uranium enrichment program. And today President Ahmadinejad
said that he would go ahead, he vowed to go ahead. There also is the
detention of three Iranian Americans. Where is this all headed? And do you
think it's time for tough U.N. sanctions with real teeth, and are you
confident that Russia and China would go ahead?

THE PRESIDENT: As you know, we have been discussing this issue a lot at
these press avails. Iran is constantly on the agenda at a press avail like
this -- or a press conference like this, and the reason why is because they
continue to be defiant as to the demands of the free world. The world has
spoken, and said no nuclear weapons programs. And yet they're constantly
ignoring the demands.

My view is that we need to strengthen our sanction regime. I just spoke to
Condoleezza Rice, and we will work with our European partners to develop
further sanctions. And, of course, I will discuss this issue with Vladimir
Putin, as well as President Hu Jintao.

The first thing that these leaders have got to understand is that an Iran
with a nuclear weapon would be incredibly destabilizing for the world. It's
in their interests that we work collaboratively to continue to isolate that
regime.

I'm sympathetic for the people of Iran. I'm sorry they live under a
government that continues to insist upon a program that the world has
condemned, because it is denying the good people of Iran economic
opportunities that they would have. This is a country with a great
tradition and a great history. There are hard-working people in that
country that want to benefit from a society that is more open, and yet the
government insists upon measures that will lead to further isolation. And,
therefore, to answer one part of your question, we will work with our
partners to continue the pressure.

Secondly, obviously, to the extent that these people are picking up
innocent Americans is unacceptable. And we've made it very clear to the
Iranian government that the detention of good, decent American souls who
are there to be beneficial citizens is not acceptable behavior.

Toby.

Q Mr. President, dozens of American troops have been killed this month, and
sectarian violence appears to be rising again in Iraq. You, yourself, just
said that you're expecting more casualties in the weeks and months ahead.
How much longer do you believe you can sustain your current policy in Iraq
without significant progress on the ground? And how confident are you about
finding those missing soldiers?

THE PRESIDENT: I'm confident that the military is doing everything it can
to find the missing soldiers. I talked to General Petraeus about this
subject and Secretary Gates, and General Petraeus informs him that we're
using all the intelligence and all the troops we can to find them. It's a
top priority of our people there in Iraq.

Obviously, the loss of life is devastating to families. I fully understand
that. But I want to remind you as to why I sent more troops in. It was to
help stabilize the capital. You're asking me how much longer; we have yet
to even get all our troops in place. General David Petraeus laid out a plan
for the Congress, he talked about a strategy all aiming -- all aimed at
helping this Iraqi government secure its capital so that they can do the --
some of the political work necessary, the hard work necessary to reconcile.

And as I explained in my opening remarks, all the troops won't be there
until mid-June. And one reason you're seeing more fighting is because our
troops are going into new areas, along with the Iraqis. And so General
Petraeus has said, why don't you give us until September and let me report
back, to not only me, but to the United States Congress, about progress.

I would like to see us in a different configuration at some point in time
in Iraq. However, it's going to require taking control of the capital. And
the best way to do that was to follow the recommendations of General
Petraeus. As I have constantly made clear, the recommendations of
Baker-Hamilton appeal to me, and that is to be embedded and to train and to
guard the territorial integrity of the country, and to have Special Forces
to chase down al Qaeda. But I didn't think we could get there unless we
increased the troop levels to secure the capital. I was fearful that
violence would spiral out of control in Iraq, and that this experience of
trying to help this democracy would -- couldn't succeed.

And so, therefore, the decisions I made are all aimed at getting us to a
different position, and the timing of which will be decided by the
commanders on the ground, not politicians here in Washington.

Chen. Ed, excuse me. That's Henry. Chen. You're coming down -- no, sorry.
Work the print people a little bit, see. I've got the strategy -- print.
Ed, sorry.

Q Good morning, Mr. President. A lot of lawmakers in Congress are saying
that China has not done enough to allow its currency to appreciate, and
they're talking about things like duties. What is your view about that, and
are you prepared to do more to encourage the appreciation of the yuan?

THE PRESIDENT: Thanks, Ed. I spoke to Madam Wu Yi today, as a matter of
fact, had her into the Oval Office; wanted to thank her for bringing her
delegation in, and also to ask her to pass on a message to Hu Jintao that I
appreciate his willingness to work in a strategic -- with strategic
dialogues in order to put in place the type of measures that reflect a
complex relationship -- in other words, the ability to discuss issues such
as beef, or intellectual property rights.

And one of the issues that I emphasized to Madam Wu Yi, as well as the
delegation, was that we're watching very carefully as to whether or not
they will appreciate their currency. And that's all in the context of
making it clear to China that we value our relationship, but the $233
billion trade deficit must be addressed. And one way to address it is
through currency evaluations.

Another way to address it is for them to help convert their economy from
one of savers to consumers. And that's why Secretary Paulson worked very
assiduously with this strategic dialogue group to encourage openness for
capital markets; that China must open its capital markets to allow for
different financial institutions from around the world to go into the
country. It not only will be beneficial to the United States, but we happen
to think it will be beneficial to the Chinese economy, for the consumers to
have different options when it comes to savings and purchases.

And so this is important dialogue, and it's one that I thank the Chinese
government for engaging in. And there's been some progress. Yesterday they
opened new air routes. That's beneficial for U.S. airlines. It also happens
to be beneficial for China, as far I am concerned. It's beneficial for that
country to open up its access to more travelers, whether they be business
or tourists.

Anyway, this is a complex relationship. There's a lot of areas we're
working together, and there's areas where there's friction. And we've just
got to work through the friction. One area where I've been disappointed is
beef. They need to be eating U.S. beef. It's good for them. They'll like
it. And so we're working hard to get that beef market opened up.

Ed.

Q Mr. President, a new Senate report this morning contends that your
administration was warned before the war that by invading Iraq you would
actually give Iran and al Qaeda a golden opportunity to expand their
influence, the kind of influence you were talking about with al Qaeda
yesterday, and with Iran this morning. Why did you ignore those warnings,
sir?

THE PRESIDENT: Ed, going into Iraq we were warned about a lot of things,
some of which happened, some of which didn't happen. And, obviously, as I
made a decision as consequential as that, I weighed the risks and rewards
of any decision. I firmly believe the world is better off without Saddam
Hussein in power. I know the Iraqis are better off without Saddam Hussein
in power. I think America is safer without Saddam Hussein in power.

As to al Qaeda in Iraq, al Qaeda is going to fight us wherever we are.
That's their strategy. Their strategy is to drive us out of the Middle
East. They have made it abundantly clear what they want. They want to
establish a caliphate. They want to spread their ideology. They want safe
haven from which to launch attacks. They're willing to kill the innocent to
achieve their objectives, and they will fight us. And the fundamental
question is, will we fight them? I have made the decision to do so. I
believe that the best way to protect us in this war on terror is to fight
them.

And so we're fighting them in Iraq, we're fighting them in Afghanistan,
we've helped the Philippines -- Philippine government fight them. We're
fighting them. And this notion about how this isn't a war on terror, in my
view, is naive. It doesn't -- it doesn't reflect the true nature of the
world in which we live.

You know, the lessons of September the 11th are these: we've got to stay on
the offense; we've got to bring these people to justice before they hurt
again; and at the same time, defeat their ideology with the ideology based
upon liberty. And that's what you're seeing, and they're resisting it.

I think it ought to be illustrative to the American people that al Qaeda is
trying to stop new democracies from evolving. And what should that tell
you? That ought to tell you that we're dealing with people that have an
ideology that's opposite of liberty and will take whatever measures are
necessary to prevent this young democracy from succeeding.

The danger in this particular theater in the war on terror is that if we
were to fail, they'd come and get us. You know, I look at these reports
right here in the Oval Office. For people who say that we're not under
threat, they simply do not know the world. We are under threat. And it's in
our interest to pursue this enemy.

Martha.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. You say you want nothing short of victory, that
leaving Iraq would be catastrophic; you once again mentioned al Qaeda. Does
that mean that you are willing to leave American troops there, no matter
what the Iraqi government does? I know this is a question we've asked
before, but you can begin it with a "yes" or "no."

THE PRESIDENT: We are there at the invitation of the Iraqi government. This
is a sovereign nation. Twelve million people went to the polls to approve a
constitution. It's their government's choice. If they were to say, leave,
we would leave.

Q -- catastrophic, as you've said over and over again?

THE PRESIDENT: I would hope that they would recognize that the results
would be catastrophic. This is a sovereign nation, Martha. We are there at
their request. And hopefully the Iraqi government would be wise enough to
recognize that without coalition troops, the U.S. troops, that they would
endanger their very existence. And it's why we work very closely with them,
to make sure that the realities are such that they wouldn't make that
request -- but if they were to make the request, we wouldn't be there.

David.

Q Mr. President, after the mistakes that have been made in this war, when
you do as you did yesterday, where you raised two-year-old intelligence,
talking about the threat posed by al Qaeda, it's met with increasing
skepticism. The majority in the public, a growing number of Republicans,
appear not to trust you any longer to be able to carry out this policy
successfully. Can you explain why you believe you're still a credible
messenger on the war?

THE PRESIDENT: I'm credible because I read the intelligence, David, and
make it abundantly clear in plain terms that if we let up, we'll be
attacked. And I firmly believe that.

Look, this has been a long, difficult experience for the American people. I
can assure you al Qaeda, who would like to attack us again, have got plenty
of patience and persistence. And the question is, will we?

Yes, I talked about intelligence yesterday. I wanted to make sure the
intelligence I laid out was credible, so we took our time. Somebody said,
well, he's trying to politicize the thing. If I was trying to politicize
it, I'd have dropped it out before the 2006 elections. I believe I have an
obligation to tell the truth to the American people as to the nature of the
enemy. And it's unpleasant for some. I fully recognize that after 9/11, in
the calm here at home, relatively speaking, caused some to say, well, maybe
we're not at war. I know that's a comfortable position to be in, but that's
not the truth.

Failure in Iraq will cause generations to suffer, in my judgment. Al Qaeda
will be emboldened. They will say, yes, once again, we've driven the great
soft America out of a part of the region. It will cause them to be able to
recruit more. It will give them safe haven. They are a direct threat to the
United States.

And I'm going to keep talking about it. That's my job as the President, is
to tell people the threats we face and what we're doing about it. And what
we've done about it is we've strengthened our homeland defenses, we've got
new techniques that we use that enable us to better determine their motives
and their plans and plots. We're working with nations around the world to
deal with these radicals and extremists. But they're dangerous, and I can't
put it any more plainly they're dangerous. And I can't put it any more
plainly to the American people and to them, we will stay on the offense.

It's better to fight them there than here. And this concept about, well,
maybe let's just kind of just leave them alone and maybe they'll be all
right is naive. These people attacked us before we were in Iraq. They
viciously attacked us before we were in Iraq, and they've been attacking
ever since. They are a threat to your children, David, and whoever is in
that Oval Office better understand it and take measures necessary to
protect the American people.

Axelrod.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. I'd like to ask you about the Petraeus report,
which as you say, will be in September, and report on the progress. Doesn't
setting up the September date give the enemy exactly what you've said you
don't want them to have, which is a date to focus on, and doesn't it
guarantee a bloody August?

And while I have you, sir, the phrase you just used, "a different
configuration in Iraq" that you'd like to see, is that a plan B?

THE PRESIDENT: Actually I would call that a plan recommended by
Baker-Hamilton, so that would be a plan BH. I stated -- you didn't like it?
(Laughter.)

I've stated this is an idea that I like the concept. The question is, could
we get there given the violence last fall, and the answer, in my judgment,
was, no, we would never be able to configure our troops that way, in that
configuration -- place our troops in that configuration given the violence
inside the capital city.

David Petraeus felt like that it was important to tell the White House and
tell the Congress that he would come back with an assessment in September.
It's his decision to give the assessment, and I respect him and I support
him.

Q Do you think --

THE PRESIDENT: It does, precisely. It's going to make -- it could make
August a tough month, because you see, what they're going to try to do is
kill as many innocent people as they can to try to influence the debate
here at home. Don't you find that interesting? I do -- that they recognize
that the death of innocent people could shake our will, could undermine
David Petraeus's attempt to create a more stable government. They will do
anything they can to prevent success. And the reason why is al Qaeda fully
understands that if we retreat they, then, are able to have another safe
haven, in their mind.

Yesterday, in my speech, I quoted quotes from Osama bin Laden. And the
reason I did was, is that I want the American people to hear what he has to
say -- not what I say, what he says. And in my judgment, we ought to be
taking the words of the enemy seriously.

And so, yes, it could be a bloody -- it could be a very difficult August,
and I fully understand --

Q -- Democrats on that in the Senate about --

THE PRESIDENT: David Petraeus, the commander -- look, you want politicians
making those decisions, or do you want commanders on the ground making the
decisions? My point is, is that I would trust David Petraeus to make an
assessment and a recommendation a lot better than people in the United
States Congress. And that's precisely the difference.

Michael.

Q Good morning, Mr. President. I'd like to ask you about the Justice
Department. In the last couple months, we have heard disturbing evidence
about senior officials of the Justice Department misleading Congress. We
heard disturbing evidence yesterday that a senior official at the Justice
Department improperly took, by her own admission, political considerations
into effect in evaluating career employees of the Justice Department.

We've also had evidence from the former Deputy Attorney General of the
White House strong-arming a sick man into trying to approve an illegal
spying program. I'm curious, Mr. President, if you are concerned about the
cumulative picture that's being drawn about your Justice Department? And
what assurances can you give the American people that the department is
delivering impartial justice to the American people?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, thank you, Michael. There is a -- an internal
investigation taking place at the Justice Department. And this will be an
exhaustive investigation. And if there's wrongdoing, it will be taken care
of.

I thought it was interesting how you started your question, "over the
months," I think you said, "over the last months." This investigation is
taking a long time, kind of being drug out, I suspect for political
question -- for political reasons. In other words, as I mentioned the other
day, it's just grand political theater.

Attorney General Gonzales has testified, he's produced documents. And I
would hope the Senate and the Congress would move expeditiously to finish
their hearings and get on to the business of passing legislation that is
meaningful for the country. But if there had been wrongdoing, that will be
addressed, the way we'd hope it would be.

Q (Inaudible) -- confidence. Are you --

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I've got confidence in Al Gonzales doing the job.

Q Mr. President, are you surprised by reports today from the Iraqis that
sectarian killings are actually on the rise to pre-troop surge levels? And,
if I may, yesterday after your speech, Senator Joe Biden said al Qaeda in
Iraq is a "Bush-fulfilling prophecy." They weren't there before, now
they're there. He said U.S. troops should get out of the middle of a civil
war and fight al Qaeda. Can you respond to that?

THE PRESIDENT: We are fighting al Qaeda in Iraq. A lot of the spectaculars
you're seeing are caused by al Qaeda. Al Qaeda will fight us wherever we
are. That's what they do, that's what they've said they want to do. They
have objectives. These are ideologues driven by a vision of the world that
we must defeat. And you defeat them on the one hand by hunting them down
and bringing them to justice, and you defeat them on the other hand by
offering a different alternative form of government.

The Middle East looked nice and cozy for awhile. Everything looked fine on
the surface, but beneath the surface, there was a lot of resentment, there
was a lot of frustration, such that 19 kids got on airplanes and killed
3,000 Americans. It's in the long-term interest of this country to address
the root causes of these extremists and radicals exploiting people that
cause them to kill themselves and kill Americans and others.

I happen to believe one way to do that is to address the forms of
government under which people live. Democracy is really difficult work, but
democracy has proven to help change parts of the world from cauldrons of
frustration to areas of hope. And we will continue to pursue this form of
policy; it's in our national interest we do so.

What other aspect of the question?

Q (Inaudible.)

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I'm -- there's -- certainly, there's been an uptick in
violence. It's a snapshot, it's a moment. And David Petraeus will come back
with his assessment after his plan has been fully implemented, and give us
a report as to what he recommends -- what he sees, and what he recommends,
which is, I think, a lot more credible than what members of Congress
recommend. We want our commanders making the recommendations, and -- along
with Ryan Crocker, our Ambassador there -- I don't want to leave Ryan out.

And so it's a -- you know, to Axelrod's point, it's a -- no question it's
the kind of report that the enemy would like to affect because they want us
to leave, they want us out of there. And the reason they want us to leave
is because they have objectives that they want to accomplish. Al Qaeda --
David Petraeus called al Qaeda public enemy number one in Iraq. I agree
with him. And al Qaeda is public enemy number one in America. It seems like
to me that if they're public enemy number one here, we want to help defeat
them in Iraq.

This is a tough fight, you know? And it's, obviously, it's had an effect on
the American people. Americans -- a lot of Americans want to know win --
when are you going to win? Victory is -- victory will come when that
country is stable enough to be able to be an ally in the war on terror and
to govern itself and defend itself.

One of the things that appealed to me about the Baker-Hamilton is that it
will provide a -- kind of a long-term basis for that likely to happen,
assuming the Iraqi government invites us to stay there. I believe this is
an area where we can find common ground with Democrats and Republicans, by
the way. I fully recognize there are a group of Democrats who say, get out
of the deal now; it's just not worth it.

One of the areas where I really believe we need more of a national
discussion, however, is, what would be the consequences of failure in Iraq?
See, people have got to understand that if that government were to fall,
the people would tend to divide into kind of sectarian enclaves, much more
so than today, that would invite Iranian influence and would invite al
Qaeda influence, much more so than in Iraq today. That would then create
enormous turmoil, or could end up creating enormous turmoil in the Middle
East, which would have a direct effect on the security of the United
States.

Failure in Iraq affects the security of this country. It's hard for some
Americans to see that, I fully understand it. I see it clearly. I believe
this is the great challenge of the beginning of the 21st century -- not
just Iraq, but dealing with this radical, ideological movement in a way
that secures us in the short term and more likely secures us in the long
term.

Jim. You didn't nod off there, did you? (Laughter.) A little hot out here
in the Rose Garden for you? (Laughter.)

Q Thank you, Mr. President.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, well, go ahead and take the tie off. I'm halfway done
anyway. (Laughter.)

Q Mr. President, yesterday you discussed Osama bin Laden's plans to turn
Iraq into a terrorist sanctuary. What do you think your own reaction would
have been five years ago had you been told that towards the end of your
term he would still be at large with that kind of capability, from Iraq, no
less, and why -- can you tell the American people -- is he still on the
run? Why is he so hard to catch?

THE PRESIDENT: I would say that five years ago, like I said, we're going to
pursue him, and we are pursuing him. And he's hiding. He is in a remote
region of the world. If I knew precisely where he is, we would take the
appropriate action to bring him to justice. He is attempting to establish a
base of operations in Iraq. He hasn't established a base in operations. My
points yesterday were, here was his intentions, but thankfully, of the
three people I named, all of them no longer are a part of his operation.

My point is, is that -- I was making the point, Jim, as I'm sure you
recognized, that if we leave, they follow us. And my point was, was that
Osama bin Laden was establishing an external cell there, or trying to, and
he's been unable to do it. Precisely my point. That's why we've got to stay
engaged. Had he been able to establish an internal cell that had safe
haven, we would be a lot more in danger today than we are. His organization
is a risk. We will continue to pursue as hard as we possibly can. We will
do everything we can to bring him and others to justice.

We have had good success in the chief operating officer position of al
Qaeda. Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Ramzi al Rabium -- there's a lot of names,
some of whom I mentioned yesterday, that are no longer a threat to the
United States. We will continue to work to bring him to justice -- that's
exactly what the American people expect us to do -- and in the meantime,
use the tools we put in place to protect this homeland.

We are under threat. Some may say, well, he's just saying that to get
people to pay attention to him, or try to scare them into -- for some
reason -- I would hope our world hadn't become so cynical that they don't
take the threats of al Qaeda seriously, because they're real. And it's a
danger to the American people. It's a danger to your children, Jim. And
it's really important that we do all we can do to bring them to justice.

Q Mr. President, why is he still at large?

THE PRESIDENT: Why is he at large? Because we haven't got him yet, Jim.
That's why. And he's hiding, and we're looking, and we will continue to
look until we bring him to justice. We've brought a lot of his buddies to
justice, but not him. That's why he's still at large. He's not out there
traipsing around, he's not leading many parades, however. He's not out
feeding the hungry. He's isolated, trying to kill people to achieve his
objective.

Those are his words -- his objectives are his words, not mine. He has made
it clear -- he and Zawahiri, their number two, have made it clear what they
want. And in a war against extremists and radicals like these, we ought to
be listening carefully to what they say. We ought to take their words
seriously. There have been moments in history where others haven't taken
the words of people seriously and they suffered. So I'm taking them
seriously.

Yes, Jim.

Q Mr. President, moments ago you said that al Qaeda attacked us before we
were in Iraq. Since then Iraq has become much less stable; al Qaeda has
used it as a recruiting tool, apparently with some success. So what would
you say to those who would argue that what we've done in Iraq has simply
enhanced al Qaeda and made the situation worse?

THE PRESIDENT: Oh, so, in other words, the option would have been just let
Saddam Hussein stay there? Your question is, should we not have left Saddam
Hussein in power? And the answer is, absolutely not. Saddam Hussein was an
enemy of the United States. He'd attacked his neighbors. He was paying
Palestinian suicide bombers. He would have been -- if he were to defy --
and by the way, cheating on the U.N. oil for sanctions program --
oil-for-food program. No, I don't buy it. I don't buy that this world would
be a better place with Saddam Hussein in power, and particularly if -- and
I'm sure the Iraqis would agree with that.

See, that's the kind of attitude -- he says, okay, let's let them live
under a tyrant, and I just don't agree. I obviously thought he had weapons,
he didn't have weapons; the world thought he had weapons. It was a surprise
to me that he didn't have the weapons of mass destruction everybody thought
he had, but he had the capacity at some point in time to make weapons. It
would have been a really dangerous world if we had the Iranians trying to
develop a nuclear weapon, and Saddam Hussein competing for a nuclear
weapon. You can imagine what the mentality of the Middle East would have
been like.

So the heart of your question is, shouldn't you have left Saddam Hussein in
power? And the answer is, no. And now that we've --

Q (Inaudible.)

THE PRESIDENT: -- that's really the crux of it. And -- let me finish,
please, here. I'm on a roll here. And so now that we have, does it make
sense to help this young democracy survive? And the answer is, yes, for a
variety of reasons.

One, we want to make sure that this enemy that did attack us doesn't
establish a safe haven from which to attack again. Two, the ultimate
success in a war against ideologues is to offer a different ideology, one
based upon liberty -- by the way, embraced by 12 million people when given
the chance. Thirdly, our credibility is at stake in the Middle East.
There's a lot of Middle Eastern nations wondering whether the United States
of America is willing to push back against radicals and extremists, no
matter what their religion base -- religious bases may be.

And so the stakes are high in Iraq. I believe they're absolutely necessary
for the security of this country. The consequences of failure are immense.

Yes.

Q So there was no choice -- so there was no choice between the course we
took and leaving Saddam Hussein in power? Nothing else that might have
worked?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, we tried other things. As you might remember back
then, we tried the diplomatic route: 1441 was a unanimous vote in the
Security Council that said disclose, disarm or face serious consequences.
So the choice was his to make. And he made -- he made a choice that has
subsequently left -- subsequently caused him to lose his life under a
system that he wouldn't have given his own citizens. We tried diplomacy. As
a matter of fact, not only did I try diplomacy; other Presidents tried
diplomacy.

Let's see here. John.

Q Thanks, Mr. President. You've said many times that you plan to sprint to
the finish of your presidency. At this point in the home stretch, what can
you say you're still expecting to accomplish? And how concerned are you
that the immigration bill in particular is going to get caught up in
electoral politics?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, thanks. Well, we need to pass additional energy
legislation, we need to renew No Child Left Behind, get these trade bills
out of Congress -- the trade bills on Panama and Peru and Colombia,
hopefully work toward a free trade -- further the work we've done on the
Korean free trade agreement. Hopefully I'll be able to bring back
successful negotiations on Doha for a congressional vote which will require
a TPA extension and/or -- a TPA extension, there's no "and/or" to it.
Making sure that this progress on balancing the budget continues. The
deficit is -- I know you're following the numbers, John -- the deficit is
reduced more than anticipated as a result of increased tax revenues coming
in and the fiscal measures that we took. And now we're going to have to
work with Congress to make sure they don't overspend and make sure they
don't raise the taxes on the people, as well.

Running up the taxes will hurt this economy, which would hurt the revenues
to the Treasury. I'm deeply concerned about the Democratic budget that is
classic tax and spend. I'm looking forward to seeing how they intend to
keep their promise of balancing this budget in five years.

A big -- and of course, fighting this war on terror is a huge issue. I
obviously would like to find common ground on how to proceed in Iraq with
Democrats and Republicans. I recognize there are a handful there or some
who just say, get out, it's just not worth it, let's just leave. I strongly
disagree with that attitude. Most Americans do, as well. And the vote
showed that what's possible when we work together, the vote -- the pending
vote today showed what's possible when we work together, when Republicans
and Democrats work together. There's a good group of Republicans that want
to work with Democrats. They just don't want to accept something that they
don't agree with.

Immigration: This is a tough issue. This is a very emotional, hard issue
for members of both parties. I've always been a believer that comprehensive
immigration reform is the best way to secure our border. I campaigned on
that for President twice. I believed it when I was the governor of Texas. I
understand this issue very well. I also understand the frustrations of many
citizens in that they believe the government hasn't done its job of
stopping illegal migrants from coming into the country.

And that's why over the past couple of years there's been a significant
effort to secure the border. There's going to be a doubling of the Border
Patrol agents; there's going to be fencing and berms and different types of
equipment to help the Border Patrol do its job in a better way. As a matter
of fact, I was concerned about it enough to ask the National Guard to go
down there for a while.

But, John, I don't see -- and so those concerns, by the way, are addressed
in this bill. The bill essentially says that before any other reforms take
place, certain benchmarks will be met when it comes to securing the border.
Last year, during the debate, people said, well, let's have security first.
That's exactly what the bill does.

However, I don't see how you can have the border security the American
people expect unless you have a temporary worker program, with a verifiable
work card. People will come here to do work to feed their families, and
they'll figure out ways to do so. As a result of people wanting to come
here to do work to feed their families, there is an underground industry
that has sprung up that I think is essentially anti-humanitarian. It is an
industry based upon coyotes -- those are smugglers. Good, hardworking,
decent people pay pretty good size money to be smuggled into the United
States of America.

There is a document forgery industry in America. There are people who are
willing to stuff people inside temporary shelter in order for them to evade
the law. I don't think this is American. I think the whole industry that
exploits the human being is not in our nation's interests. And the best way
to deal with this problem is to say, if you're going to come and do jobs
Americans aren't doing, here is a opportunity to do so, on a temporary
basis.

I would much rather have people crossing the border with a legitimate card,
coming to work on a temporary basis, than being stuffed in back of an
18-wheeler. And I would hope most Americans feel that, as well.

Secondly, in order for there to be good employer verification -- it's
against the law to hire somebody who is here illegally, but many times
small businesses or large are presented with documents and they don't know
whether they're real or not. And so, therefore, we must have a tamper-proof
identification card, which is a part of this bill.

A tough issue, of course, is what do you do with the people already here?
Anything short of kicking them out, as far as some people are concerned, is
called amnesty. You can't kick them out. Anybody who advocates trying to
dig out 12 million people who have been in our society for a while is
sending a signal to the American people that's just not real. It's an
impractical solution. Nor do I think they ought to be given automatic
citizenship -- that is amnesty: Okay, you're here illegally, therefore
you're automatically a citizen.

And so, therefore, we proposed and worked with the Senate to devise a plan
that said, if you're here already before a certain date, that there are
certain hurdles you must cross in order to receive what's called a Z visa,
in order to be able to work here. You've got to go through a background
check, you've got to pay a fine at some point in time, there's a
probationary period, and there's a series of steps that people have to go
through. And then people get at the back of the line, the citizenship line,
not the beginning of the citizenship line.

If you're for the bill, I thank you. If you're against it -- you can find
every reason in the world to be against a comprehensive bill. It's easy to
find something to be against in this bill. All it takes is to take one
little aspect of it and ignore the comprehensive nature and how good it is.

I knew this was going to be an explosive issue. It's easy to hold up
somebody who is here and working hard as a political target. I would like
to get this bill done for a lot of reasons. I'd like to get it done because
it's the right thing to do. I'd like to get it done because I happen to
believe the approach that is now being discussed in the Senate is an
approach that will actually solve the problem. I'd like to get it out of
politics. I don't think it's good to be, you know, holding people up. We've
been through immigration debates in this country, and they can bring out
the worst, sometimes, in people. We're a land of immigrants.

I was touched yesterday when the kid from the Coast Guard Academy, ensign
-- now ensign talked about his migrant grandfather from Mexico. And here's
this guy, this man standing up in front of the President of the United
States and his class, talking about serving America. He wasn't -- you know,
his grandfather wasn't born here. I don't know what job he did -- I suspect
it was probably manual labor. I don't know, I didn't ask him.

But I do know he spoke with pride. I do know he represents the best about
what immigration can mean for America. You know, welcoming people here who
want to work and realize the American Dream renews our spirit and soul.
It's been the case throughout generations. And we have an opportunity to
put a good law in place now -- right now. And it's going to be hard work.
And sure politics will get involved. But the question is, will members of
Congress rise above politics? I will. It's the right thing to have a
comprehensive bill.

And so I'm going to continue to reach out to members of Congress from both
parties, and call upon them to take the lead and show the political courage
necessary to get the bill to my desk as quickly as possible.

I want to thank you for your interest.

END 11:51 A.M. EDT

===========================================================================
Return to this article at:
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2007/05/20070524.html

 * Origin: (1:3634/12)