Text 4958, 924 rader
Skriven 2007-07-09 23:30:54 av Whitehouse Press (1:3634/12.0)
Ärende: Press Release (0707094) for Mon, 2007 Jul 9
===================================================
===========================================================================
Press Briefing by Tony Snow
===========================================================================
For Immediate Release Office of the Press Secretary July 9, 2007
Press Briefing by Tony Snow Room 450 Eisenhower Executive Office Building
˙ /news/releases/2007/07/20070709-4.wm.v.html ˙˙Press Briefings
˙˙Audio
12:51 P.M. EDT
MR. SNOW: All right, good afternoon. Questions.
Q Thanks. This morning when you were talking about the idea of a debate on
Iraq, you said that there's no debate right now about withdrawal right now.
The question isn't withdrawal right now. The question is withdrawal over a
period of time, by sometime next year. So can you answer that question,
whether there's a debate about that?
MR. SNOW: Well, what's interesting is there seems to be a failure to
recognize that the President has talked for quite a while about trying to
have a surge so that we can bring forces home. And I want to read through a
series of quotes that I think makes the case that the story we're talking
about is not, in fact, about any kind of generally new deliberations, but
the kind of things the President has been talking about really since the
advent of Baker-Hamilton.
Here we are on January 10th: "If we increase our support at this crucial
moment and help the Iraqis break the current cycle of violence, we can
hasten the day our troops begin coming home." This is a point the President
has made, and some of you have heard him make these comments in
off-the-record meetings with reporters, as well.
April 2007: "Embedding the troops, training the troops, over-the-horizon
presence" -- this is when he was talking about where we want to be -- "in
other words, if there's a problem, be in a position where you can come in
and help." The President: "Chasing down al Qaeda and extremists,
particularly those from other foreign countries, helping the territorial
integrity of Iraq, that's something I'm for. And it would require less
troops over time to be in that position. However, I didn't think we could
get to Baker-Hamilton because of the impending chaos inside Baghdad." Thus
saying there's the desire to get toward Baker-Hamilton, but first you have
to address conditions of violence within Baghdad.
May of this year: "I've talked about the idea of having a different force
posture that would enable us to be there to help the Iraqis in a variety of
ways, protect the border, chase down al Qaeda, embed and train the troops,
provide security, psychological security of helping this new government."
Again, lower troop levels.
And finally, just the other day, on July 4th: "We all long for the day when
there are far fewer American servicemen and women in Iraq, that a time will
come when Iraq has a stable, self-sustaining government that is an ally
against these extremists and killers. That time will come when the Iraqi
people will not need the help of 159,000 American troops in their country.
Yet withdrawing our troops prematurely based on politics, not on the advice
and recommendation of our military commanders, would not be in our national
interest. It would hand the enemy a victory and put America's security at
risk, and that's something we're not going to do.
Short answer: We want to get to the situation, we want to get to a
condition where the Iraqis do, in fact, have the freedom of space and the
security necessary to go ahead and put together the building blocks for a
civil society. That not only includes security in the streets, but it also
means other things: economic development; it means a rule of law that could
be administered fairly through the army, the military services and the
courts; it means having electricity and water -- all of those things, the
building blocks of a civil society. And that's the way the President's been
expressing it from the start.
Q Well, clearly, that's true, and we've all heard him say those things.
We've heard you say those things, we've heard other administration
officials say those same things. But that isn't the question, because
that's talking about an eventual goal, which nobody is arguing with. The
question is a simple one: Is there debate now about time to speed up the
timetable by which you bring combat troops out of Iraq?
MR. SNOW: There's no timetable. I think -- again, let's --
Q That's not what I asked. I asked, is there a debate about how to --
MR. SNOW: No, you just said -- you just asked speeding up a timetable.
Q I didn't ask, is there one? I said, is there a debate about setting one?
MR. SNOW: Oh, is there a debate about setting one? No, right now, what the
discussion in the White House is, let's go ahead and proceed with what
Congress, itself, decided to do just two months ago. Two months ago,
Congress said, ok, we're going to do the way forward -- we will adopt the
way forward, having given General Petraeus an 81-to-nothing vote in the
United States Senate. And they said, but we want some reporting here. We
want to get a starting point glimpse of this on July 15th, and on the 15th
of September, we want recommendations from the generals about how they want
to proceed after that.
In other words, it's the same sort of approach the President has always
taken, which is, let's ascertain the facts on the ground, let's see what
the commanders think is going to be most successful and effective.
What we're going to get in the next week is a series of reports on
benchmarks, on a number of benchmarks that had been agreed by members of
Congress and also laid down by this administration about how to judge where
things stand -- some probably satisfactory, some probably unsatisfactory.
We certainly will find out, we'll be able to read them out. But that gives
you a glimpse of where, at the very earliest stages of not only a surge,
but an operational surge, where all the forces are in and they're now
having an opportunity to work with their Iraqi counterparts, you now have
the beginning part and you'll be able to look in two months at how you
proceeded on those benchmarks, and also whether generals are going to be in
a position to say, we did this right, we did this wrong, this is where we
need to go next.
Q But various Republicans have said the President can't wait until
September, and they're saying you need to go faster. So, putting aside the
timetable, is there a debate for, right now, going on inside the White
House for a gradual withdrawal of U.S. troops, as The New York Times said?
A gradual --
MR. SNOW: No. No, there's no -- again, ultimately, the President wants to
withdraw troops based on the facts on the ground, not on the matter of
politics. And I would refer you to the last quote I just read to you, which
was from last week.
Furthermore, I know -- there's a convenient shorthand, but I think the
position that Senator Lugar and others had was a little more subtle than
that. The one thing that they didn't want to talk about was simply withdraw
for withdrawal sake. They understand that there is real political pressure
here in the country, and they also understand that there's an importance
for having demonstrated political success and effort within Iraq.
I think what we have here is, ironically, a pretty shared vision of where
we want to go. Jennifer's first answer -- first response to my answer was,
well, everybody agrees with that. I think there is general agreement about
the end state here. So the question is, how do you get to the point where
you can achieve those goals. And I actually think that if you've looked at
the statements of Senator Lugar and others, you're going to find that they
largely track with the quotes I just read to you from --
Q You said that this morning, as well. Senator Lugar said, "The prospects
that the current surge strategy will succeed in the way originally
envisioned by the President are very limited."
MR. SNOW: By September. He also talked about having it done by September.
And the fact is we don't think that everything is going to be accomplished
by September, and we've never said that. What Senator Lugar, I think, also
is concerned about, as you read further into what he says, is that he does
not want a situation where we withdraw hastily, we create a vacuum, and
therefore we have a longer-term and much more dangerous security
environment for the United States.
Q He said most U.S. troops can be pulled out by the middle of 2008,
specifically. Do you agree with that?
MR. SNOW: We'll see. I mean, I'm not a general, I'm not going to try to
play one.
Q He also said, "Our course in Iraq has lost contact with our vital
national security interest." Do you agree with that? Does that really show
--
MR. SNOW: I think it's tied up with our vital national security interest.
But I'm not going to -- again, I'm not going to get into a fight with --
Q But how can you say, as you did this morning, you're saying again that
Republicans like Lugar are not necessarily opposing the White House when
they're saying "our force in Iraq has lost contact with our vital national
security interest" -- how does that agree with what you're saying?
MR. SNOW: Well, again, what you've done is -- we went through this last
week, where you take one sentence, I'd cite another sentence -- I didn't
bring the whole speech with me this time.
Q Well, he's got a speech -- it's 45 minutes. Is there a line in his speech
that agrees with your policy?
MR. SNOW: Yes, I think there -- the whole series of lines in there. Again,
ask yourself what Dick Lugar wants to see. What he wants to see is an
effective and integrated diplomatic effort within the region, which this
administration has been trying to work through and has been working
through. What he wants is more political progress on the ground with the
Iraqis. What he wants is better training and capability on the part of the
Iraqis. He wants al Qaeda to lose. He wants the Iraqi people to win. I
think there are substantial areas of agreement here.
Q Sure, but he's saying that the course you're taking is not succeeding in
those endeavors, so --
MR. SNOW: No, he's -- again, we have just started the course. The course
has just begun.
Q He is saying time is running out. But he's not a Democrat, he's a
Republican, a very senior one saying --
MR. SNOW: I understand that --
Q -- time is running out.
MR. SNOW: I understand that, Ed.
Q But is the White House in denial about that, then?
MR. SNOW: No, the White House is not in denial about the fact, but I think
you're in denial about the fact that in the overall contours, there's just
not that much disagreement. If you want disagreement, you compare what he's
saying with what Harry Reid is saying. If you want a disagreement, you take
a look at what Dick Lugar has been saying and what Democratic leaders have
been saying, by and large.
What Dick Lugar is trying to do -- and I think this is a sensible thing --
is to try to lower the temperature and find a way where you can get some
bipartisan conversations, because in many cases, people have dug in their
heels, saying, the President is for it, we're going to be against it. And
he understands that if you try to look at this through strictly a political
lens, you run a very high risk of ignoring the fact that our national
security really is under assault by the forces of terror, and it's
important to succeed in Iraq because, as I pointed out this morning, what
begins in Iraq, whether it is a Democratic renaissance or a victory in the
war on terror, does not end there. And what we want to make sure is that
the seed that gets planted is the seed of democracy and not the one of
terror and tyranny.
Q I need to correct the record, Tony, because you quoted me and you quoted
me incorrectly.
MR. SNOW: I'm sorry.
Q You said that I said everyone agrees with what the President said. I
didn't say that.
MR. SNOW: No, no, I didn't say that. You said everybody agrees with those
benchmarks. I did not have --
Q I didn't even say that.
MR. SNOW: You didn't?
Q What I said is that everyone agrees what the President said, not that
they agree with him.
MR. SNOW: Oh, I'm sorry. Okay. Well, I stand corrected.
Q Tony, back to the debate again within the White House, are you saying it
hasn't even accelerated? Given what people like Senator Lugar are saying --
and they're saying September is too far away, you need to assess this now
-- is there no debate in the White House about pulling troops back or
drawing down now, for any reason -- political, or whatever?
MR. SNOW: No, the conversation is always about what do you do to succeed in
Iraq. Again, it seems -- Martha --
Q I understand that. Tony, nobody is debating -- Secretary Gates is not
offering suggestions, other people are not offering suggestions about how
you draw down short of this all-out victory?
MR. SNOW: Let me -- no, it's not even an all-out victory. What the
President said all along is, of course, we're going to draw down, but you
have to draw down when it makes sense to do so. And furthermore, what he
said is, everybody, take a look first at what's going on.
Here we have people trying to read into -- I mean, you sent me an email
talking about reaction to a report that hasn't even been released yet --
Q No, I didn't. I sent you an email -- if you want to talk about our email
exchanges -- I sent you an email talking about the mounting criticism on
the Hill.
MR. SNOW: I think you said, the mounting reaction to the report, which has
not yet been released.
Q No, I did not. I said that -- well, we'll go back and check --
MR. SNOW: Okay. (Laughter.)
Q But what I also asked about is how the White House is reacting to that --
MR. SNOW: What the White House is doing is, once again, saying to members
of Congress, two months ago you put together a piece of legislation; you
said, give us a snapshot at the beginning. We're awaiting the snapshot. The
snapshot will become available; let's see where we stand. Then as a
practical matter, you ask yourself, how are the efforts succeeding, or are
there places where they are not succeeding? At this point, it would be
irresponsible to say we're going to leave before we know what the results
are.
Q Tony, you've been saying that for a long time. What we're saying is --
MR. SNOW: We're being consistent.
Q -- you're being consistent, but let me go back to this -- are you in
denial? I mean --
MR. SNOW: No.
Q -- surely, you know what's going on there, whether there's a snapshot
this week or not a snapshot this week. You have a pretty good idea what's
going on --
MR. SNOW: Let me just refer back to what has appeared in many of your
networks and newspapers, which is that there seems to be indications that
certain parts of the surge, in fact, are working and in important ways, and
that there are certain things that still have not been accomplished. So
your question is, at the very beginning you seem to have some signs that
lead to encouragement -- and it's interesting, people say, well, okay,
we've heard that, that's old news. It's not old news.
A year ago Anbar had been written off, and as a matter of fact, many news
organizations were running news stories saying, it has been a disaster,
write it off, it's gone. Now it's precisely the opposite narrative.
What you have to have in a time of war is the honesty to assess the
situation on the ground. You have to have the flexibility and the ingenuity
to try to respond so that you're more effective, and that continues to be
the case, with General Petraeus and everybody else involved.
Q Tony, I'll just say that on Anbar, the President mentioned the success in
Anbar before the surge even started -- in his January speech, he talked
about some of the successes in Anbar.
MR. SNOW: I know.
Q But can you please address the question of whether there is more intense
debate right now, because not only what Republican senators are saying, but
also because the American people are saying it?
MR. SNOW: Are you asking -- let me put it this way. If you're talking about
more intense debate in reaction to poll numbers -- no.
Q Okay, then not in reaction to poll numbers. Is there more intense debate
because it's clear September may be too far away?
MR. SNOW: No, I don't think so. I think, again, Congress, itself, has laid
this out. We're playing right now according to the script Congress laid
out. And I think maybe the most sensible thing --
Q Senator Lugar is saying September was too late.
MR. SNOW: Well, let's see what Senator Lugar says when he's had an
opportunity to look at a report that will be out within the next week.
Q He's already said it, Tony.
MR. SNOW: Well, he hasn't seen the report.
Q Can you just -- a few back-and-forths ago you started to say something --
"there is general agreement about" -- and I don't know --
MR. SNOW: Yes, okay, general agreement about where we want to be, which is,
again, you want the Iraqis in the lead position, you want to make sure you
have a rule of law, you want the sectarianism down, you want political
accommodation up. I mean, all of those basic things everybody agrees are
what you want to have. And there are a number of efforts that are being
undertaken by the American and the Iraqi governments and coalition forces
to try to achieve those aims.
The surge is not merely a security operation; it's an economic operation,
it's a diplomatic operation, it is a legal operation in terms of trying to
build up the kind of rule of law that's necessary to build up confidence in
the Iraqi government. And all those things are ongoing right now. And so
when you get a report, it's not merely going to be measuring what troops
are doing, but also what provisional reconstruction teams are doing, and
what civilians are doing, and what our allies are doing, and so on.
Q There are lots of reports out there, though, that right now the White
House is engaged in a debate over what conditions, short of victory, must
exist to begin pulling out troops.
MR. SNOW: Again, that's just not an accurate report.
Q Hold on, let me follow, because out of the Pentagon today people -- there
are commanders saying "decisions are going to have to be made before
September, given the way Republicans are bailing." That's a direct quote.
What's your reaction to that?
MR. SNOW: Our reaction is we are continuing to be committed to letting the
surge work and let people draw -- you know, you're asking me to respond to
a blind political quote from a Pentagon employee.
Q No, I'm asking you to respond to a growing feeling that there's a
question, at least, being raised that I think people want a very straight
answer to: Either the administration is engaged in intensifying discussions
about reducing the number of troops, or it's not.
MR. SNOW: There is no intensifying discussion about reducing troops. What
there is, is a -- again, you are talking about a surge that literally just
got completed, in terms of troop complements, two weeks ago. And so the
idea --
Q And all you -- asked Republicans to wait to give that a chance. And
there's an ever-increasing number of Republicans who aren't waiting.
MR. SNOW: I'm not sure that's an accurate rendition of what they're saying.
Again, if you take a look at the comments, there is anxiety about the
political atmosphere, which has been reflected in your questioning, but on
the other hand, there is also a recognition that you've got to succeed in
Iraq. And I don't think it's inconsistent -- again, the President has been
talking about getting to different configurations, exactly what Senator
Lugar said. He wants to do it as quickly as possible. That's one of the
reasons why you have the surge.
The surge is not an open-ended commitment that says -- it's not an
occupation, it's a surge. It's designed to create space so that we can
achieve as swiftly as possible some of those basic necessities for the
Iraqi people to be able to step up and stand in the lead. And then at that
point, the Americans step back into less visible, more support positions,
which was recommended by Baker-Hamilton. As a matter of fact, the surge is
part of Baker-Hamilton, for heaven's sake.
Q Tony, the surge is for the Iraqi government to make progress, as well.
How can you say --
MR. SNOW: Yes, that's exactly right.
Q -- I mean, that's pretty obvious in the July report, that they haven't.
MR. SNOW: You've seen it?
Q No, Tony, I've seen what's happening over there, though.
MR. SNOW: Look, in political --
Q And if they had something to report, that would be pretty stunning.
MR. SNOW: I'm not sure everybody is going to get an "A" on the first
report. But it is also pretty clear that it is going to be essential to
have political progress in Iraq. We're certainly not going to deny that.
Q Tony, you said earlier that we don't expect -- we don't think everything
is going to be accomplished by September; yet you repeatedly said that the
President wants to move toward the goals articulated by Baker-Hamilton of
an eventual drawdown of troops. So, based on what he knows now, with the
information that's been submitted to him by Petraeus and Crocker, does the
President have a time frame in his mind, or does he simply have no idea
when this elusive date of withdrawal might begin?
MR. SNOW: If you want to understand the way Congress put this together,
number one is, the report we're going to get this week is a snapshot:
here's where we are.
Q And he --
MR. SNOW: Let me complete the thought.
Q -- he knows what progress has been made so far. Is he convinced in his
own mind --
MR. SNOW: Let me try to answer, and then you can come back at me. The first
is a snapshot at the beginning stage. Again, some of the forces in the
surge have just now become operational, in the last two weeks. It is
premature to try to draw any broad-based conclusions on what they've done
so far. However, by September, you not only will be able to put together a
time line about what various folks in various operations within the surge
have been able to achieve, you will also have a recommendation, again by
Congress, for Ambassador Crocker and for General Petraeus to be making
recommendations. That's how this works. This is not some expectation that
everything is fine and dandy and finished, but instead a recommendation
about what you do next. And that is how it was set up at the beginning, and
that's the way it proceeds.
Q When he speaks this week on this issue, he is not going to say anything
about, I envision us pulling back at point X in the future, he is simply
going to ask, as he has asked repeatedly --
MR. SNOW: The President?
Q -- for Republicans to wait until September? That's his stance?
MR. SNOW: No, the President is not asking anybody to wait for anything.
What the President is trying to do is to acknowledge the reality, which is
to set a timetable at this juncture, without even having had a full chance
to evaluate what we're doing, is an exercise in political rhetoric. It is
not one in, in fact, responding to the strategic realities on the ground.
He's got an obligation --
Q So he is not going to lay out a timetable this week?
MR. SNOW: Don't expect -- you won't have to go out and buy new watches this
week or set your calendars. There will be no red squares on the calendar at
the end of this week. But I'll tell you what we do hope is that the surge,
in fact, will achieve its results as quickly as possible, so we can get to
a point where we draw down American forces, and we can get to a point where
they recede into different kinds of roles than they've been
fulfilling in recent months.
Q What does the President say to Republicans like Senator Lugar, who say we
can't wait? What is his response to that?
MR. SNOW: Again, I'm just not sure Senator Lugar is saying we can't wait.
What he's saying is, he's concerned about the political atmosphere in this
country, and he's trying to make sure that we don't rip ourselves apart
politically short of achieving the goals. If you look at what Senator Lugar
has said about the surge so far, he says it's working. His comments
indicate that he thinks it's working.
What he's a little concerned about is the political atmosphere in this
country, whether we can hold it together long enough to go ahead and give
the surge an opportunity to demonstrate what the men and women of our
military, what the men and women who are contractors, men and women working
for the State Department and other departments and agencies of the federal
government, whether they're going to have an opportunity to demonstrate
what their efforts have yielded in the last couple months.
Q Tony, following on that, you said this morning that Zawahiri wants to
establish Congress as a battlefield for this war. Is there evidence that he
is succeeding? And when people like Lugar and Domenici raise their
questions, are they --
MR. SNOW: No, I don't think so. But it's clear that it has always been part
of al Qaeda's M.O. that they want to wage a propaganda war. I don't think
anything Ayman al Zawahiri is going to do is going to be changing Dick
Lugar or any of the others. But it is still clear that what they are trying
to do -- the real intended target is American public opinion, to try to
figure out if there are ways to weaken American public opinion, to make it
more difficult to wage the war. That's nothing new on their part. You go
back to October 16th, I believe it was, 2001, when we first started getting
the tapes from bin Laden. There's a constant attempt to use these vehicles
as ways of trying to wage propaganda against the United States.
Q And there's evidence that it's succeeding, isn't it? The poll numbers?
MR. SNOW: No, I think the poll numbers indicate that war, as I've said many
times, is a dreadful thing; people don't want to be in it, the President
doesn't want to be in it, but on the other hand, the alternative is far
worse. If you have a hollowed-out Iraq that serves as a focal point for a
new terrorist organization, you're going to see ripples of terror emanating
out of Iraq that will spread past Iran, that will get to Pakistan, that
will make their ways to Micronesia, that could jeopardize the oil states,
could get across Northern Africa. That's the way it works. That's why
you've got two alternatives: What are you going to plant, the seed of
democracy, or the seed of terror?
Q Tony, following on Ken's question, you quoted Zawahiri this morning as
saying it would be a glorious victory if --
MR. SNOW: If the United --
Q -- if you guys -- what, if you leave early?
MR. SNOW: Yes.
Q So, when you cite it, though, in that context, it's as if you're giving
him credibility and credence to his words.
MR. SNOW: No, I think what I'm trying to say is, don't give credence to his
words; make sure he can't; make him eat his words.
Q You're using it as justification as to why you should stay. Isn't there a
way --
MR. SNOW: No, the justification for why we should stay is it's the right
thing to do.
Q Well, can't the U.S. begin withdrawal, and say -- and shape public
opinion that this is not a defeat --
MR. SNOW: No, withdrawal in the absence of a strategic advantage on the
ground is an empty gesture. If you withdraw to appease public opinion, and
the situation gets worse on the ground, what do you have? You have worse
public opinion, and you have a higher requirement either to get forces back
into the field at a higher cost, and a higher cost to public morale, or you
walk away and you create what everybody agrees is an intolerable security
situation. Baker Hamilton agreed with that. The National Intelligence
Estimate said the same thing. So, no, you do not withdraw troops as a
gesture. You withdraw them in response to military necessity.
Q Tony, Iraqi leaders -- having read today's New York Times -- are saying
that they do not want an early U.S. withdrawal because that would lead to
all-out civil war. Isn't that the kind of leverage that the administration
could use to establish not soft, undated benchmarks, but actual deadlines
for actually achieving these not-yet-achieved benchmarks, with
consequences?
MR. SNOW: You talk about from the Iraqis? Are you talking about the Iraqis?
Q The Iraqi government. If you believe in the al Maliki government --
MR. SNOW: It's a hard one for me to answer because really, what Foreign
Minister Rubai was saying is, if you create a vacuum, you're going to reap
the whirlwind; that's what he was saying. And I'm familiar with the
argument. The presumption is that the Iraqis are not also serious,
themselves, about trying to get this done. I think they are. It's highly
complicated. You've got a lot of complex considerations. It also bears on
Martha's point earlier.
Americans want to see some political progress in Iraq. They understand what
the pressures are. They hear about it all the time, I guarantee you. So
it's not something of which they are blithely unfamiliar. I think they're
trying hard at it and they need to keep working the issues. But it is not
obvious that simply by leaving and creating a vacuum would create greater
confidence and stepping forward. On the contrary, what it may lead to --
and this is something that many in the region have warned about -- is
people just dividing up and taking sides and creating an even more unstable
area, some siding up with the Sunni nations, some siding up with the Shia,
some trying to cut their own deals.
It's not necessarily the case that by trying to back out "to teach a
lesson" that you would do that. What you would do is undermine an ally at
precisely the point where you're starting to see some progress in going
after al Qaeda, you're starting to see some progress going after Jaish al
Mahdi, using the Iraqi people themselves, the very things that we've been
talking about on the security front -- and creating the image or
strengthening the perception that bin Laden has been trying got push around
for years, that the United States is the weak horse, we cannot stand
through the fight and, therefore, you cannot rely on the United States for
security commitments. For that to take hold would be devastating to this
country in the long run.
Q Isn't there a need to set deadlines with consequences that would focus
the minds of the Iraqi government?
MR. SNOW: Again, we've been through this. We've made our position clear.
Q Can I switch to something else?
MR. SNOW: Well, let's --
Q Can I just ask, when you are talking about going after al Qaeda, why,
then, did the U.S. not go after bin Laden in 2005, when it appears you had
actionable intelligence about a meeting involving al-Zawahiri, bin Laden,
other leaders, you stopped --
MR. SNOW: -- the report, and you know we can't talk about classified
operations.
Q John Conyers is writing a letter to the White House seeking White House
testimony on the Libby pardons.
MR. SNOW: Yes.
Q What is the White House response to that?
MR. SNOW: Well, again, what's interesting about the letter is two
admissions within the letter itself. One is, I recognize the clemency
powers of presidential prerogative. And the second is, that he calls to
waive executive privilege, seeming to imply that you've got executive
privilege, as well.
So we received the letter just a couple minutes before we came over here.
The Office of Legal Counsel has not had a full opportunity to review it,
but those two things did come jumping out. They seem to concede what we
think are the principal elements, which is that the President does have a
clemency power and he also has executive privilege that covers the
conversations and the deliberations that go behind communications with the
President.
Q So you're not likely to provide any --
MR. SNOW: Again, I won't speak on behalf of Fred or give an official
communication.
Q A follow-up question, if I could, Tony, on Fred's letter -- took issue
with the request that the White House provide an extensive description of
every document covered by an assertion of executive privilege, calling that
unreasonable. Why is that?
MR. SNOW: Right. Well, among other things, if you take a look at it, simply
the -- let me just go back to it -- first, aware of no authority by which a
congressional committee may direct the executive to undertake the task of
creating and providing an extensive description of every document covered
by an assertion of executive privilege.
So, first you have a legal question, whether, in fact, there is any legal
writ for doing this from a congressional committee. It also says, given
that the descriptions of the material in question already had been provided
-- these people have the information necessary -- this demand is
unreasonable because it represents a substantial incursion into
presidential prerogatives, and because, in view of the open-ended scope of
the committee's inquiries, it would impose a burden of very significant
proportion.
So, the reasons are listed pretty clearly in the letter.
Q On the face of it, it would seem logical that the White House defend its
assertion of executive privilege on every document for which it claims such
privilege.
MR. SNOW: Well, there are some for which -- well, yes, for which it claims
a privilege, that is correct.
Q So, and then --
MR. SNOW: Documents for which you don't claim privilege, they have access.
Q It would seem that Fielding is saying that you shouldn't have to describe
-- you shouldn't have to detail precisely why you were claiming executive
privilege for every document of which you claimed.
MR. SNOW: Well, that's correct, because among other things, they already
have the basic information they need, and what they're trying to do there
is to solicit information about the deliberations. If you're asking, why
you decided to assert privilege, what you're also asking for is the nature
of the very deliberations that themselves are privileged.
Q Okay. Let me ask another question, which is, why you conclude that the
committee has already decided to issue subpoenas, whether or not it gets
the documents?
MR. SNOW: Well, that was something that Senator Leahy had referred to. When
you had it -- if you look at the third from the final paragraph there, he
is quoting from the letter from Senator Leahy, himself. "Your letter states
that your committees" -- I'm sorry, from Senator Leahy and Representatives
Conyers -- "will take the necessary steps to rule on the President's
privilege claims and appropriately enforce our subpoenas, and that the
committees will enforce the subpoenas 'whether or not they have the benefit
of the information,' only one conclusion is evident: The committees have
already prejudged the question, regardless of the production of any
privilege log. In such circumstances, we will not be undertaking such a
project, even as a further accommodation."
Q Congressman Conyers says it is Congress and the courts that will decide
whether the implication of executive privilege is valid, not the White
House, unilaterally. Do you disagree with that?
MR. SNOW: Well, again, I'm not going to try to -- ultimately, if he thinks
it's going to be resolved by -- what he's trying to make is a factual
determination of whether Congress, either through contempt, or courts
trying to render a verdict on it, will have the ultimate say. I'm not going
to try to do anything more than -- he's given you some of the three options
for resolving it. I would offer option four, which is accommodation, which
we have been trying to do from the very beginning in terms of making
available people for extensive interviewing and documents -- more than
8,500 pages of documents, we've pointed out, have been produced -- and we
have also offered for extensive interviews of the key players people want
to hear from. So the question is, do you want the information?
Q Thank you, Tony. Two questions. USA Today headline: New Gallup data shows
confidence in Congress at all-time low, juts 14 percent of Americans. My
question: Since 14 percent is so much lower than the polls reported public
confidence in the President, doesn't this suggest that the new Democratic
congressional majority, after a half a year in power, have earned this
all-time low rating?
MR. SNOW: Well, I won't try to read too much into polls, other than to note
that this Congress certainly is under performed by the standards that it
set for itself upon taking office. But on the other hand, it's just my
sense that there is a political atmosphere in this town where people are
seeing if Democrats and Republicans -- you guys have got to do better;
you've got to get your work done, and that the politics quite often seems
more personal than substantive. And I think that does rub a lot of people
the wrong way.
Q As both The Washington Post and The Washington Times reported the arrest
and jailing on charges of speeding 100 miles an hour, with possession of
marijuana, plus four other un-prescribed drugs as a third-time arrest --
does the White House believe that anything Scooter Libby was charged with
doing was as dangerous to the public as this?
MR. SNOW: I'm not going to get into that case. I know who you're talking
about.
Q At the White House Conference on the Americas this morning, President
Bush said that -- he called on Latin American governments to be open and
transparent. How does he square that with the White House letter this
morning to Chairmen Leahy and Conyers? Because that's not really being open
and transparent.
MR. SNOW: Sure, it is. The assertion of executive privilege, when you're
talking about open and transparent, is to make sure, for instance, that you
know how financial laws work, or how your government works. There has
always been in the United States a certain area of secrecy. By the way, it
also applies to members of Congress, because members of Congress are not
open and transparent about the confidential information or guidance that
they get from their aides, or for that matter, quite often the confidential
help, support, whatever they may get from outside lobbying organizations
that have a great deal of interest and business before the Congress.
So the point of fact is that if you want to call that not being open and
transparent, there does have to be, for politicians who have very difficult
jobs, the ability to get honest counsel from people who are working for
them. That's all this is about. This is not about trying to throw a big
smoke cloud over how the government works.
Q Let me come back once again to -- and you referred to it earlier -- the
whole question of making people available and the grounds on which you will
make them available -- the example of Karl Rove and the whole question of
whether they're going to be sworn, whether there are going to be
transcripts on which we go round and round and round -- that goes back to
open and transparent.
MR. SNOW: Well, no, because if you have somebody who is under legal
punishment for not telling the truth, they can stand before members of
Congress and answer any question that's posed to them, that's a pretty good
way of having transparency. What we're trying to do is to maintain a
certain level of -- well, let me just put it -- I'll leave it at that. But
the fact is that the administration has made available the information.
That's not a lack of transparency. What it is, is the lack of a show trial.
Q Sorry, I didn't email you on this. There's an interesting story in The
Washington Post about tunnels in Iran near their nuclear sites. Does the
administration have any confirmation on this and do you have --
MR. SNOW: No, don't have anything to say about it.
Q Tony, two questions. One, as far as terrorism is concerned, there have
been, last week and this week, a number of spiritual leaders from India
speaking in Washington, including Sri Sri Ravi Shankar and Sant Rajinder
Singh and also hugging Amma. What they're saying, really, all one message,
all of them, that the problem as far as terrorism is concerned is
education, that we have to educate better in the United States or the world
government must educate those people in countries where the terrorism comes
from. What I'm asking you is that we are spending millions of dollars, or
hundreds of million dollars on education in a number of countries. Is this
working?
MR. SNOW: Look, I think there are many different -- terrorism is something
that springs from any number of sources. The most frightening one is just
blind hatred. Whether that is something that is a residue of education or
lack of education, I'm not smart enough to lay out for you.
The point is that we ought to be doing everything we can to create
conditions of freedom that will deny people the despair that is quite often
the most useful emotion in recruiting people to lives of terror. And the
other thing we need to do is to educate the public about what's going on
and how we can play a role in fighting it, and also producing the
conditions of freedom globally that are going to offer some hope to people.
Q And second --
Q Can I follow on the Iranian story?
MR. SNOW: No, because I don't have anything to tell you about the Iranian
--
Q Can you look into it, please? It's very, very important.
MR. SNOW: I know it is. But it's also asking me to get into intel matters.
Q I have two quick ones for you. One is, did you get a chance to look a bit
more into the Turkish-Iraqi tensions and whether you can talk about the
possibility of a Turkish incursion in --
MR. SNOW: I'm not going to speculate about that.
Q Is there any U.S. outreach to try to calm things down there?
MR. SNOW: At this point, again, we've made our point clear, which is that
we certainly share concerns about PKK terrorism, but also we believe in the
territorial integrity of Iraq.
Q And in terms of the various benchmarks and schedules, this surge began
with a plan to turn over security to the Iraqis by November. Are we still
on track to do that?
MR. SNOW: You mean on all the provinces? We'll have to take a look at what
they have. I don't think we're probably going to get there, but I'm not
sure. I haven't seen the report. Again, November is -- if you're going to
look for a November guess, I'd probably wait for the September report,
rather than the July.
Q Tony, I know you talked about -- this morning about the possibility of a
speech on Iraq. You told us one was not happening.
MR. SNOW: Yes, I wouldn't expect a speech on Iraq this week.
Q Because Senator Warner, who just met with General Lute and Hadley, seemed
to indicate that one was in the works.
MR. SNOW: Well, the President is going to be speaking out about it, but it
doesn't mean it's necessarily going to be in a speech.
Q Will he speak about it in the press room on Wednesday?
MR. SNOW: You know what? That's for us to know and you to find out.
Q But we'll be here. (Laughter.)
Q Will it be a new strategy, or anything like that?
MR. SNOW: No, no, no. Don't expect us to lift a veil and have a whole
different strategy. We're not going to have a strategy jumping out of the
cake.
Q So what would Senator Warner and General Lute be talking about in terms
of -- the President talks about the war all the time. What would be new
this week?
MR. SNOW: I'm not sure that -- number one, you're getting back into
internal deliberations. And, number two, the fact is we have conversations
all the time with interested members of Congress about this stuff.
Q Tony, if Senator Warner is suggesting, other Republicans keep their
powder dry until the President addresses the nation, that would --
MR. SNOW: If you want to get Senator Warner's take on it, you need to ask
Senator Warner. I am certainly not going to speak on his behalf.
Q No, that is his take. He's saying we should wait until the President
addresses the nation. Is the President planning on any kind of address?
MR. SNOW: Again, are you talking about an address this week? No.
Q Next week? (Laughter.)
MR. SNOW: We're not planning a address at this juncture, but I'm not going
to rule one out, for heaven's sake. I mean, the fact is, the President
talks about it all the time. He gave an address on it on July 4th. So we
constantly talk about this.
Q A formal address to the nation?
MR. SNOW: No, no, no. Again, I'm just not having -- you're jumping me with
a piece -- I saw Senator Warner when he was in the building earlier; I have
had no opportunity to speak with him about it. So you're catching me a
little bit short with something abut which I don't know any details and,
frankly, don't know fully what his thinking is.
Q Tony, when he speaks -- and you said he would speak -- would that be in
response to the report? Is it something about the report?
MR. SNOW: We'll let you know.
Q Thank you.
END 1:29 P.M. EDT
===========================================================================
Return to this article at:
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2007/07/20070709-4.html
* Origin: (1:3634/12)
|